The European Dream - El sueño europeano

[Art]

Waking up to the 'European Dream'
by Jeremy Rifkin, The Washington Post

[The following is a synopsis which appeared in The Week, November 12, 2004, p. 18.]

Many Americans think of Europe as a quaint but crumbling museum of the past, said Jeremy Rifkin in The Washington Post. Think again. Europe is being reborn, and it's offering the world an alternative to the American dream. The European Union is still a work in progress, but with 25 nations signing its new constitution last week, it's quickly becoming "the first transnational political entity in history." Europe's economy is thriving: The Euro is now stronger than the dollar, and with a total population of 455 million people, the E.U. may soon eclipse the U.S. in such fields as banking, engineering, and construction. In the global Fortune 500 rankings, Europe has 61 companies, the U.S. 50. With its emphasis on community and cooperation, Europe also now enjoys "significant quality of life advantages" over the U.S.--from lower poverty and crime rates to a cleaner environment. Americans continue to devote much of their lives to a relentless quest for personal wealth. But Europeans enjoy far more balance, spending for more time with family and friends and good food; they "work to live," instead of the other way around. Many young Europeans believe their continent offers "a new vision of the future," with strength based not on military might, and a society that emphasizes "belonging, not belongings." We better pay attention. These "United States of Europe" represent "a new ideal that could eclipse the United States as the focus of the world's yearnings for well-being and prosperity."

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Despertamiento a 'el Sueño europeo'
Jeremy Rifkin, The Washington Post

[Lo siguiente es un resumen que apareció en The Week, el 12 de noviembre de 2004, página 18.]

Muchos Americanos piensan en Europa como un museo pintoresco del pasado, pero que se derrumba, dijo Jeremy Rifkin en The Washington Post. Piense otra vez. Europa está siendo nacida de nuevo, y esto ofrece el mundo una alternativa al sueño americano. La Unión Europea es todavía un trabajo en curso, pero con 25 naciones que firman su nueva constitución la semana pasada, rápidamente se hace "la primera entidad política transnacional en la historia." La economía de Europa prospera: El Euro es ahora más fuerte que el dólar, y con una población total de 455 millones de personas, el E.U. pronto puede eclipsar EE UU en tales campos como la banca, la ingeniería, y la construcción. En la Fortune 500 global clasificaciones, Europa tienen 61 empresas, EE UU 50. Con su énfasis sobre la comunidad y la cooperación, Europa también ahora disfruta "ventajas significativas en la calidad de vida" sobre EE UU - de las tasas inferiores de pobreza y de crimen a un ambiente más limpio. Los americanos siguen dedicando la mayor parte de sus vidas a una búsqueda implacable de la riqueza personal. Pero los europeos disfrutan de mucho más equilibrio, que pasan durante más tiempo con la familia y amigos y el alimento bueno; ellos "trabajan para vivir," en vez de la inversa. Muchos europeos jóvenes creen que su continente ofrece "una nueva visión del futuro," con la fuerza basado no sobre el poder militar, y una sociedad que acentúa "la pertinencia [afiliación], no pertenencias [objetos]." [Sería] mejor que prestamos la atención. Estos "los Estados Unidos de Europa" representan "un nuevo ideal que podría eclipsar los Estados Unidos como el foco de los anhelos mundiales para el bienestar y la prosperidad."

[Art]

I would think that this paragraph would be encouraging to Asturians. Of course, it's also possible that the transformations resulting from the new union have left Asturias impoverished.

Do you agree with the analysis? What effects do you see in Asturias?

From my perspective, the primacy of the US is clearly in decline. The current reign of arch conservatives in American politics is a sign of our anxiety about this decline and a futile attempt to reclaim past glories.

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Pensaría que este párrafo sería alentador a asturianos. Desde luego, también es posible que las transformaciones que resultan de la nueva unión hayan dejado Asturias empobrecido.

¿Estás de acuerdo con el análisis? ¿Qué efectos ves en Asturias?

De mi perspectiva, el primacía de EU disminuye claramente. El reinado corriente de consumados conservadores en la política americana es un signo de nuestra ansiedad sobre esta disminución y una tentativa vana de reclamar el esplendor pasado.

[bartletrules]

Interesting article, Art.

Most of the article, is right but there's one key point missed: the rules of modern Economy are the ones that U.S. has settled during its age of primacy, as you name it.

Capitalism is putting so much difficulties in front of Western countries. We've got used to some comodities, certain level of luxury in our lives, and some degree of Social Services provided by our Governments. But nowadays, there are so many countries in economical development, which are following the same path our nations walked in the last 200-250 years, since the Industrial Revolutions first appeared in England and changed the way our societies were organized. But these new 'competitors': China, India... are taking advantage from our own experience, and so his industrial and economical development is way faster than ours was. You could see the effects on global economy while watching China's Economy growing at 8-9% each year minimum, oil prices rise every few days as Eastern Asia new economic powers emerge...

And both U.S. and E.U. will have to deal with those nations right now, as they are growing more and more, using the same rules on Economy that are now affecting our nations' growth (and its impact on our daily life will be bigger every day, I don't have any doubt).

So I think maybe in a few decades US and EU could be at the same level, Not at the top of the list, BUT competing with Asia in a very tough (and rough) fight. At least, if there's no significant change in World order, as we've known it since the end of Cold War.

And this was only referred to Economy, it could be very interesting (and dangerous, if politicians from all countries don't do their best) how could affect the whole world the conflict between palestinian and israeli authorities, the uprising of islamic or other religious extremists in many countries throughout the world: Europe, U.S., people from Africa and Asia.

After WW II, our parents thought it was sure that the next WW will involve NATO vs Soviet Union. Nowadays, I think it's clear that religious extremists and terrorism worldwide is the next challenge for those of us who want to live in a free and democratic world. But this is a subject for a whole new thread someday, isn't it?

[Art]

Hi, Iván,
Those are very good additions. I guess we can't expect anything to last forever. Change rules and we will often be surprised by what comes next.

Hola, Iván,

Son pensimientos complementos muy buenos. Supongo que no puedamos esperar que que dura para siempre cualquiera cosa. El cambio domina, y a menudo sorprenderemos lo que siga.

[Art]

There is a much longer article by Rifkin, based on his book, here:
http://www.utne.com/pub/2004_125/promo/11349-1.html

I will post the full text here so we can still view it if Utne stops hosting it.

Utne Reader is a very interesting magazine, a compilation of articles from many sources.

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Aquí hay un artículo por Rifkin, much más largo, basada en su libro:
http://www.utne.com/pub/2004_125/promo/11349-1.html

Voy a poner el texto completo aquí para que podemos verlo si Utne deja de ofrecerlo.

Utne Reader es una revista muy interesante. Es una compilación de artículos de muchas fuentes.

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The European Dream
September / October 2004
By Jeremy Rifkin,
The European Dream

The new Europe has its own cultural vision -- and it may be better than ours

The set of beliefs we call the American Dream underlies one of history's great success stories, an unbroken cultural ascent lasting more than 200 years. But how well are we doing today? In this selection from his provocative new book, social thinker Jeremy Rifkin argues that the American Dream has turned into a liability that has us clinging to an outmoded past. Meanwhile, a different vision of life that's now emerg-ing from Europe could be the world's best hope for negotiating its shared global future. -- The Editors

What really separates America from all earlier political experiments is the unbounded hope and enthusiasm, the optimism that is so thick at times it can bowl you over. This is a land dedicated to possibilities, a place where constant improvement is the only meaningful compass and economic progress is regarded to be as certain as the rising sun. We are a people who threw off the yoke of tyranny and vowed never to be ruled by arbitrary elites of any kind. We eschew class distinctions and the hereditary transmission of status, embrace the democratic spirit, and believe that everyone should be judged solely on merit.

Americans have long been aware of our special circumstance. We think of America as a refuge for every human being who has ever dreamed of a better life and been willing to risk his or her own to come here and start over.

That's why it saddens me to say that America is no longer a great country. Yes, it's still the most powerful economy in the world, with a military presence unmatched in all of history. But to be a great country, it is necessary to be a good country. It is true that people everywhere enjoy American cultural forms and consumer goods. America is even envied, but it is no longer admired as it once was. The American Dream, once so coveted, has increasingly become an object of derision. Our way of life no longer inspires; rather, it is now looked on as outmoded and, worse yet, as something to fear, or abhor.

Stripped to its bare essentials, the American Dream offers everyone a fair shot at prosperity if they're willing to work hard and cultivate self-reliance. But fulfillment of the dream is becoming more elusive. For Americans who have made every effort to succeed, only to be pulled down over and over again by a market economy and a society weighted against them, the dream can feel like a cruel hoax, a myth without substance. There may still be opportunity for both the native-born and newcomers, but the unfettered upward mobility that defined American life up until the early 1970s no longer exists. As the gap between rich and poor has widened, the sons and daughters of wealthier Americans have come to feel entitled to happiness and are less willing to work hard and make something of themselves. On all social levels, the dream is losing its cachet, casting many of its former believers adrift. One-third of all Americans say they no longer even believe in the American Dream.

While the American spirit languishes in the past, a compelling new dream is coming of age, driven by the rise of the world's other great superpower, the European Union (EU). Twenty-five nations, representing 455 million people, have joined together to create a "United States" of Europe. Like the United States of America, this vast cultural entity has its own founding documents and hopes for the future. It also has its own empowering myth. Although it is still in its adolescence, the European Dream is the first transnational vision, one far better suited to the next stage in the human journey. Europeans are beginning to adopt a new global consciousness that extends beyond, and below, the borders of their nation-states, deeply embedding them in an increasingly interconnected world.


Comparing Quality of Life

Americans are so used to thinking of our country as the most successful on earth, they might be surprised to learn that, by many measures, this is no longer the case. In just a few decades, the European Union has grown to become the third-largest governing institution in the world. Though its landmass is half the size of the continental United States, its $10.5 trillion gross domestic product now eclipses the U.S. GDP, making it the world's largest economy. The European Union is already the world's leading exporter and largest internal trading market. Sixty-one of the 140 biggest companies on the Global Fortune 500 rankings are European, while only 50 are U.S. companies.

The comparisons between the world's two great superpowers are even more revealing when it comes to the quality of life. For example, in the European Union, there are approximately 322 physicians per 100,000 people, whereas in the United States there are only 279. The United States ranks 26th among the industrial nations in infant mortality, well below the EU average. The average life span in the 15 most developed EU countries is now 78.01 years, compared to 76.9 years in the United States.

Children in 12 European nations now rank higher in mathematics literacy than their American peers, and in 8 European countries children outscore Americans in scientific literacy. When it comes to wealth distribution -- a crucial measure of a country's ability to deliver on the promise of prosperity -- the United States ranks 24th among the industrial nations. All 18 of the most developed European countries have less income inequality between rich and poor. There are now more poor people living in America than in the 16 European nations for which data are available. America is also a more dangerous place to live. The U.S. homicide rate is four times higher than the European Union's. Even more disturbing, the rates of childhood homicides, suicides, and firearm-related deaths in the United States exceed those of the other 25 wealthiest nations, including the 14 wealthiest European countries. Although the United States is only 4 percent of the world's population, it now contains one-quarter of the world's entire prison population. While the EU member states average 87 prisoners per 100,000 people, the U.S. averages an incredible 685 prisoners per 100,000 people.

Europeans often remark that Americans "live to work," while Europeans "work to live." The average paid vacation time in Europe is now six weeks a year. By contrast, Americans, on average, receive only two weeks. Most Americans would also be shocked to learn that the average commute to work in Europe is less than 19 minutes. When one considers what makes a people great and what constitutes a better way of life, Europe is beginning to surpass America.


Two Dreams, One Past

Though historians seldom allude to it, the American Dream is largely a European creation transported to American soil and frozen in time. The American Dream was born in the early modern era -- a period that saw the flowering of the individual, the development of a sophisticated private property regime, the invention of market capitalism, and the creation of the nation-state. The Protestant Reformation and the Enlightenment idea of science as the relentless pursuit and exploitation of nature's secrets had begun to take hold in Europe. While much of Europe eventually tempered its religious fervor, its scientific zeal, and its enthusiasm for unbridled market capitalism, preferring a compromise in the form of democratic socialism, America did not. Instead, successive generations chose to live out those older traditions in their purest forms, making us the most devoutly Protestant people on Earth and the most committed to scientific pursuits, private property, capitalism, and the nation-state.

That difference is reflected in the American and European Dreams, which at their core are about two diametrically opposed ideas about freedom and security. For Americans, freedom has long been associated with autonomy. An autonomous person is not dependent on others or vulnerable to circumstances beyond his or her control. To be autonomous one needs to be propertied. The more wealth one amasses, the more independent one is in the world. One is free by becoming self-reliant and an island unto oneself. With wealth comes exclusivity, and with exclusivity comes security.

The new European Dream is based on different assumptions about what constitutes freedom and security. For Europeans, freedom is found not in autonomy but in embeddedness. To be free is to have access to many interdependent relationships. The more communities one has access to, the more options one has for living a full and meaningful life. It is inclusivity that brings security -- belonging, not belongings.

The American Dream emphasizes economic growth, personal wealth, and independence. The new European Dream focuses more on sustainable development, quality of life, and interdependence. The American Dream pays homage to the work ethic. The European Dream is more attuned to leisure and "deep play." The American Dream is inseparable from the country's religious heritage and deep spiritual faith. The European Dream is secular to the core. The American Dream depends on assimilation: We associate success with shedding our former ethnic ties and becoming free agents in the great American melting pot. The European Dream, by contrast, is based on preserving one's cultural identity and living in a multicultural world. The American Dream is wedded to love of country and patriotism. The European Dream is more cosmopolitan and less territorial.

Americans are more willing to employ military force to protect what we perceive to be our vital self-interests. Europeans are more reluctant to use military force and instead favor diplomacy, economic assistance, and aid to avert conflict and favor peacekeeping operations to maintain order. Americans tend to think locally while Europeans' loyalties are more divided and stretch from the local to the global. The American Dream is deeply personal and little concerned with the rest of humanity. The European Dream is more expansive and systemic, and therefore more bound to the welfare of the planet.

That isn't to say that Europe has suddenly become a utopia. For all of its talk about preserving cultural identity, Europeans have become increasingly hostile toward newly arrived immigrants and asylum seekers. Ethnic strife and religious intolerance continue to flare up in pockets across Europe. Anti-Semitism is on the rise again, as is discrimination against Muslims and other religious minorities. While Europe's people and countries berate American military hegemony and what they regard as a trigger-happy foreign policy, they are more than willing, on occasion, to let the U.S. armed forces safeguard European security interests. Meanwhile, both supporters and critics say that the European Union's governing machinery, based in Brussels, is a maze of bureaucratic red tape. Its officials are often accused of being aloof and unresponsive to the needs of the European citizens they supposedly serve.

The point, however, is not whether the Europeans are living up to their dream. We Americans have never fully lived up to ours. Rather, what's important is that Europe has articulated a new vision for the future that differs from our own in fundamental ways. These basic differences are crucial to understanding the dynamic that has begun to unfold between the early 21st century's two great superpowers.


Forging a Union

Unlike past states and empires whose origins are embedded in the myth of heroic victories on the battle-field, the European Union is novel in being the first mega governing institution in history to be born out of the ashes of defeat. Rather than commemorate a noble past, it sought to ensure that the past would never again be repeated. After a thousand years of unremitting conflict, war, and bloodshed, the nations of Europe emerged from two world wars with their population maimed and killed, their ancient monuments and cities lying in ruins, their worldly treasures depleted, and their way of life destroyed. Determined that they would never again take up arms against each other, the nations searched for a political mechanism that could move them beyond their ancient rivalries.

In a series of treaties following World War II, Europe's political elites began the painstaking process of creating a united Europe, all the while attempting to define the limits of power of the emerging European Community. The federalists argued for ceding more power to the European central authority. The confederalists, by contrast, tried to keep power in the hands of the member states, viewing the new governing structure as a means to strengthen and coordinate their national objectives. Every compromise along the way reflected the tensions and strains between these two divergent visions.

While the powers that be continue to jostle back and forth between federalism and confederalism, the very technological, economic, and social realities that gave rise to the European Community, and that continue to push it along its journey to union, have created a political dynamic of a different sort. Rather than becoming a super-state or a mechanism to represent the enlightened national self-interests, the European Union has metamorphosed into a third form. It has become a discursive forum whose function is to referee relationships and help coordinate activity among a range of players, of which the nation-state is only one. The European Union's primary role has become orchestral. It facilitates the coming together of networks of engagement that include nation-states, but also extend outward to transnational organizations and inward to municipal and regional governments, as well as civil society organizations.

The European Union, then, is less a place than a process. Its genius is its indeterminacy. Unlike the traditional nation-state, whose purpose is to integrate, assimilate, and unify the diverse interests inside its borders, the European Union has no such mission. To the contrary, its role is just the opposite of what nation-states do. Its political cachet is bound up in facilitating and regulating a competing flow of divergent activities and interests.

There has never been a governing institution like the European Union. True, the European Union maintains many of the trappings of a state. Its laws supersede those of its 25 nations. It has a currency (the euro), a flag, and a headquarters. It regulates commerce and trade and coordinates energy, transportation, communications, and, increasingly, education across its many national borders. Its citizens enjoy a common EU passport. It has a European Parliament, which makes laws, and a European Court, whose judicial decisions are binding on member countries and their citizens. It also has a president and a military force.

But though the European Union qualifies as a state in many important particulars, it isn't one. It cannot tax its citizens, and its member countries still enjoy a veto on any decision that would deploy their troops. Most important, the European Union is an extraterritorial governing institution. Although it regulates activity within its member states, it has no claim to territory. Its legitimacy is based exclusively on the continued trust and goodwill of its members and the treaties and directives -- and soon a new constitution -- they have pledged to uphold.

Today, two-thirds of the people living across the European Union say they feel "European." Six out of ten EU citizens say they feel "very attached" or "fairly attached" to Europe, while one-third of Europeans between the ages of 21 and 35 say they "now regard themselves as more European than as nationals of their home country." Although it is difficult to fathom, this extraordinary change in how Europe's people perceive themselves has occurred in less than 50 years.


A New Constitution

Europeans are in the midst of a historic debate over whether to ratify a proposed constitution. Much of that 265-page document probably would not be acceptable to most Americans. Although many passages are cribbed largely from our own Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution's Bill of Rights, there are other ideas and notions that are so alien to the contemporary American psyche that they might be considered with suspicion or even thought of as somewhat bizarre.

To begin with, there is not a single reference to God and only a veiled reference to Europe's "religious inheritance." Strange, on a continent where great cathedrals grace the central plazas of most cities and small churches and chapels appear around every corner. Many Europeans no longer believe in God. While 82 percent of Americans say that God is very important to them, less than 20 percent of Europeans express similar religious convictions. God is not the only consideration to be given short shift. There is only one reference to private property tucked deep inside the document, and barely a passing mention of free markets and trade.

Just as striking is what the constitution does emphasize. The EU objectives include a clear commitment to "sustainable development . . . based on balanced economic growth," a "social market economy," and "protection and improvement of the quality of the environment." The constitution would also "promote peace . . . combat social exclusion and discrimination . . . promote social justice and protection, equality between men and women, solidarity between generations, and protection of children's rights."

The constitution's Charter of Fundamental Rights goes far beyond our own Bill of Rights and subsequent constitutional amendments. For example, it promises everyone preventive health care, daily and weekly rest periods, an annual period of paid leave, maternity and parental leave, social and housing assistance, and environmental protection.

The EU Constitution is something new in human history. Though it is not as eloquent as the French and U.S. constitutions, it is the first governing document of its kind to expand the human franchise to the level of global consciousness. The language throughout the draft constitution speaks of universalism, making it clear that its focus is not a people, or a territory, or a nation, but rather the human race and the planet we inhabit.

By decoupling human rights from territoriality, the European Union has ventured into a new political frontier, with far-reaching consequences for the future of the human race. Citizenship, heretofore, has always been attached exclusively to a nation-state. What happens, then, to the very idea of the state when the political rights of its members are conferred and guaranteed by an extraterritorial body? EU citizens have become the first people in the world whose rights are no longer dependent on the nation-state, but, rather, are universal and enforceable by law.

The gist of the new constitution is a commitment to respect human diversity, promote inclusivity, champion human rights and the rights of nature, foster quality of life, pursue sustainable development, free the human spirit for deep play, build a perpetual peace, and nurture a global consciousness. Together, these values and goals represent the woof and warp of a fledgling European Dream.

Europe's newly emerging dream is already threatening to create a schism with the United States in a number of areas. For example, the European Union forbids capital punishment. Even a person who commits the most heinous of crimes against fellow human beings, including terrorism or genocide, enjoys, in the official words of the European Union, "an inherent and inalienable dignity." The Europeans see their position on the death penalty as going to the very heart of their new dream, and they hope to convince the world of the righteousness of their cause.

The growing divisiveness between the American and European dreams manifests itself in other ways. For instance, the U.S. government gave the green light to genetically modified foods in the mid-1990s, and by the end of the decade over half of America's agricultural land was given over to GM crops. No new laws were enacted to govern the potential harmful effects. With its commitment to the precautionary principle and reining in high-risk scientific enterprise, in the name of sustainable development and environmental protection, Europe responded quite differently. Massive opposition to GM crops led to a de facto moratorium and tough new EU protections covering this technology.

Although it's too early to tell exactly how successful the "United States" of Europe will ultimately prove to be, in an era when our identities (and problems) extend beyond borders, no nation will be able to go it alone 25 years from now. The European states are the first to understand and act upon the emerging realities of a globally interdependent world. Others will follow.


The Future of a Dream

While I am an enthusiastic supporter of Europe's new experiment, my one real reservation is that I'm not sure how thick the European Dream is. Is Europe's commitment to cultural diversity and peaceful coexistence substantial enough to withstand the kind of terrorist attacks that we experienced on 9/11 or that Spain experienced on 3/11? Would Europeans remain committed to the principles of inclusivity and sustainable development were the world economy to plunge into a deep and prolonged downturn, maybe even a global depression?

These are the kinds of challenges that test the mettle of a people and the vitality and viability of their dream. Regardless of what others might think about America, the American Dream has stood the test, in good times and bad. We never lost hope in our dream, until very recently, even in the darkest hours. Will Europeans be able to say the same about their own nascent dream?

Having spent nearly 20 years of my life working in both Europe and America, I wonder whether the Europeans' sense of hope is sufficient to the task of sustaining a new vision for the future. Dreams require optimism, a sense that one's hopes can be fulfilled. Americans are flushed with hope and optimism; Europeans, as a people, are less so. Still, they are guardedly hopeful about their new union. And public opinion surveys show that a younger generation is measured in its optimism. Perhaps that's all we can or should expect. The unexamined optimism that has been so characteristic of the American spirit has not always served us well. In a world of increasing global threats, tempered enthusiasm balanced against a realistic assessment of risks might be more appropriate.

But there's also a deep pessimistic edge ingrained in the European persona -- understandable, perhaps, after so many misbegotten political and social experiments, and so much carnage over the centuries. Failures can dash hopes. But they can also make a people stronger, more resilient, and wiser. Overcoming cynicism is going to be as difficult and challenging for Europeans as overcoming naive optimism is for Americans.

These are tumultuous times. The European Dream is a beacon of light in a troubled world. It beckons us to a new age of inclusivity, diversity, quality of life, sustainability, universal human rights, the rights of nature, and peace on earth. We Americans used to say that the American Dream is worth dying for. The new European Dream is worth living for.


Jeremy Rifkin is the best-selling author of numerous books, including The End of Work, The Biotech Century, The Age of Access, and The Hydrogen Economy. He is president of the Foundation on Economic Trends in Washington, D.C. Excerpted from The European Dream (Tarcher/Penguin, 2004).

[Bob]

A very interesting article, Art. Thanks for posting it.

[Terechu]

Thanks Art. Another brilliant article by Jeremy Rifkin.

One of the things I believe Europe is doing better (no small thanks to French chauvinism), is that genetically modified crops do not make up 50% of our agricultural produce, as they do in the USA. Under the Aznar government Spain was well on its way to record numbers of transgenic corn crops and autoctonous Asturian corn, for instance, has become contaminated by the millions of tons grown on the table land of Castille.
That will be stopped now, seems like.

The other one is free health care system, no doubt.

However, the one thing I would say is profoundly different between the USA and Europe is that every European has deep roots, a language or dialect of his own and a home region to go back to. That allows same-level relations with other Europeans and more laid-back approach to having neighbours from many other countries.
In other words, you don't see Spanish flags in multiethnical neighbourhoods in Madrid, or German flags in Berlin, etc. It was one of the things that struck me when travelling through Arizona and NM, where almost every other home had the Stars and Stripes on the front porch, as if they were in enemy territory or conquered land.
In Florida I saw a bumper sticker reading "The last American to leave, take the Flag with you."
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Gracias Art. Otro artículo genial de Jeremy Rifkin.

Creo que una de las cosas que se están haciendo mejor en Europa (y desdeluego en gran medida gracias al chauvinismo francés) es que las cosechas de alimentos geneticamente modificados no representan el 50% de nuestro producto agrario, como en EE.UU. Bajo el gobierno de Aznar España iba camino de plantaciones record de trasgénicos y el maíz asturiano, por ejemplo, llegó a contiminarse por las millones de toneladas de maíz transgénico que se estuvo plantando en la meseta castellana. Eso parece que va a parar.

La otra es sin duda el sistema de salud gratuita.

No obstante, una de las cosas que yo diría que son profundamente diferentes entre los EE.UU. y Europa es que cada europeo tiene raíces profundas, su propia lengua o dialecto y una tierra o región a la que regresar. Eso te permite una relación a un mismo nivel con otros europeos y una actitud más relajada con respecto a tener vecinos de otros países

Por ejemplo, no verás banderas españolas en barrios multiétnicos de Madrid, ni banderas alemanas en Berlin, etc. Esa fue una de las cosas que más me impactó al viajar por Arizona y Nuevo México, donde casi una de cada dos casas tenía la bandera americana en su porche delantero, como si estuvieran en territorio enemigo o tierra conquistada.
En Florida ví una pegatina en un coche que decía "El último americano en marcharse, que se lleve la bandera."

[ayalgueru]

well I do not mean to be controversial and I defintively love our europe but I just can't help challenge received wisdom

high unemployment , far right on the rise ( france , belgium holland ,, ) and sluggish economic growth for the last 10 years. I think there may be there is a couple of things we could learn from america and its freedom loving lassier faire approach to economics ...

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Digolo ensin animu de ser polemicu y podeis tar seguros de que amo la nuestra europa pero nun puedo evitar el confrontar el topicu

Altos niveles de desempleu , mas extrema derecha ( francia belxica holanda .. ) y probe crecimientu economicu durante los ultimos diez anyos. Igual hay una o dos coses que podemos aprender de america y del so manera liberal de organizar la economia ,,

[Art]

You're probably right. Rifkin always overstates. After all, he's selling books! I don't like to sound dorky, but moderation is usually most effective, isn't it?

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Probablamente tienes razón. Rifkin siempre exagera. ¡Después de todo, está vendiendo libros! No me encanta parece zumbadoso, pero la moderación es casí siempre más eficaz, ¿no?

[Terechu]

....high unemployment , far right on the rise ( france , belgium holland ,, ) and sluggish economic growth for the last 10 years. I think there may be there is a couple of things we could learn from america and its freedom loving lassier faire approach to economics ...

Altos niveles de desempleu , mas extrema derecha ( francia belxica holanda .. ) y probe crecimientu economicu durante los ultimos diez anyos. Igual hay una o dos coses que podemos aprender de america y del so manera liberal de organizar la economia ,,

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Ayalgueru, you're not being controversial, you're just expressing your opinion like everybody else./ no estás polemizando, sólo dando tu opinión como todo el mundo.

We have a lot of things to learn from the USA, but reckless capitalism is not of them. I'd much rather have Europe's average 10% unemployment rate with full social coverage, like 18 months of unemployment coverage, free health care, 4 months pregnancy leave, 30 days paid vacation, etc. than a 4% unemployment rate without social benefits, 10 days paid vacation (or less), old folks whose pensions only allow them to buy either food or medicines, and so on.
I was expecting some friends from Arizona to visit us this summer, but they just called last week to cancel the whole thing, because he was fired from his job after 20 years from one day to the next. The reason was that she had to be hospitalized and he was forced to miss a business trip to Canada pending the arrival of their son and daughter-in-law from Houston to stay with her at the hospital. He quickly found a new job, but without any benefits and certainly no vacation until next year. The sense of helplessness is a constant factor for most working people.
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Tenemos muchas cosas que aprender de los EE.UU., pero el capitalismo salvaje no es una de ellas. Yo prefiero mil veces la media europea de desempleo del 10% con toda la cobertura social, como 18 meses de prestación por desempleo, sanidad gratuita, 4 meses de baja por maternidad, 30 días de vacaciones pagadas, etc., antes que una tasa de paro del 4% sin prestaciones sociales, 10 días de vacaciones como mucho, gente mayor cuyas pensiones en muchos casos sólo les permiten comprar comida o medicamentos, pero no ambas cosas.
Este verano esperábamos la visita de unos amigos de Arizona, pero llamaron la semana pasada para cancelar todo, porque a él lo echaron del trabajo despues de 20 años de un día para otro. El motivo fue que a ella la tuvieron que hospitalizar y él no pudo hacer un viaje de trabajo a Canadá hasta que no llegaran su hijo y nuera de Houston para estar con ella en el hospital. Aunque encontró otro trabajo rápidamente, no tiene ningún tipo de prestación social y desdeluego ni un día de vacaciones hasta el año que viene. La sensación de desamparo es total y contínua para la mayoría de los trabajadores.

[Ron Gonzalez]

The issue here is the human element versus the dollar. To me the dollar is secondary to human misery and suffering and the welfare of older people,and dependent chiildren . Health care is a big issue, the drug companies, as well as the oil companies, have declared huge profit's. It appear's to me, the beginning of the end of the middle class.